Zhu Weilie: China's Middle East diplomacy is...'taking the initiative,' which means not waiting but leading
Zhu Weilie: China's Middle East diplomacy is...'taking the initiative,' which means not waiting but leading
Discourse Power | July 24, 2024
Today, just a quick translation for your reference. For the latest insights on the Palestinian talks and reconciliation efforts in Beijing, I refer you to my X feed.
Thank you for reading,
Tuvia
“China is practically playing a leading role in the Global South. In the future, its voice and approach could be heard at all major regional and even global events”
The Beijing Declaration, according to Professor Zhu Weilie, represents a "historic consensus" among the fourteen Palestinian factions and a critical step toward peace in the Middle East. More importantly, it paves the way for a new global order in which China takes the lead while the US and the West fade away.
Dr. Zhu Weilie is an honorary director of the Middle East Studies Institute at Shanghai International Studies University (SISU) and a professor at the Sino-Arab Center for Reform and Development Studies (CARC).
h/t
for flagging this interview in today’s edition of .Translation of Prof. Zhu’s interview for The Paper 澎湃, published July 23, 2024:
The Paper: How would you assess the Beijing Declaration's results and historical significance?
Zhu Weilie: In terms of the Palestinian issue, China is promoting reconciliation on two fronts: among regional countries and within Palestine. This time, China not only called a meeting of the two main factions (Fatah and Hamas), but all 14 factions (within the Palestinian state) attended, as did the main officials of the main factions and other factions.
As a result, the Beijing Declaration can be interpreted as a consensus among the 14 Palestinian factions, which is a significant achievement. It is important to note that in the aftermath of Operation Al-Aqsa Floods [Hamas' name for the October 7th massacre and invasion that resulted in] (the current round of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict), good offices and multilateral meetings were held on numerous occasions, but none of them were attended by all factions as they were now. Whether in Doha or Cairo, Hamas and Fatah did not participate at the same time, and neither did any of Palestine's 14 factions.
This conference was unprecedented—not just in terms of our era, but historically speaking. Hamas has existed since its inception in 1987 and its formal establishment in 1988. Following the death of former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in 2004, Abbas assumed the presidency of Fatah in 2005, and I traveled to Palestine as an international observer in 2006 to witness the Legislative Council elections, which Hamas won.
In 2007, the two sides engaged in a conflict, with Hamas seizing complete control of the Gaza Strip. In 2008, Abbas was elected President of the Palestinian State. This situation (of separation) persists to this day, and the two sides have been unable to get along. The new Palestinian government, formed this year with Mohammad Mustafa as prime minister, is also dominated by technocrats and does not represent all factions, making it difficult to speak with one voice.
The conference in Beijing resulted in a consensus on two resolutions: UN General Assembly Resolution 181 and Resolution 2334 (2016), which cover UNSCR 242: the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, based on the borders that existed before the outbreak of the 1967 war. This time, Hamas publicly acknowledged it accepts UNSCR 242. Hamas accepted this resolution in 2017 but did not make it public, whereas now, the factions have come together to publicly reach an agreement, which I believe is very significant.
The Palestinian factions' meeting in Beijing is a positive step forward. This type of message, emphasizing internal unity, is important. Indeed, an increasing number of countries, including the European Union, have expressed sympathy and support for Palestine. Still, the conditions for Palestinian independence are not met in the absence of an internal consensus. That is why the Beijing Declaration is so important for building intra-Palestinian consensus.
Of course, this is not something that can be solved overnight, and new challenges may emerge in the future. But as far as history goes, we have left a very good record, as the Beijing Declaration represents the mainstream of the Palestinian people. This, I believe, is an important step toward an independent Palestinian state.
The Paper: Why now was China able to facilitate such a peace talk with the 14 Palestinian factions and reach the Beijing Declaration?
Zhu Weilie: At the beginning of this year, some media asked me how I would characterize the year, and my basic view is that we are now going through great changes not seen in a century. In other words, this suggests that chaos is raging and that the east is rising and the west is declining, or that China is rising and the US and the West are declining. This situation also includes natural disasters like pandemics and climate change. The question is how human society will cope with these changes.
In these changes, the Global South's power is emerging; a sense of autonomy and solidarity is emerging not only in China but also throughout the Global South. I believe that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as a major issue amid the qualitative changes we are witnessing, could be a turning point for the course of the great changes; it will determine whether or not global governance improves and whether or not the international order becomes more fair and just.
The Paper: What is the direct impact of the Beijing Declaration on the prolongation of the conflict, beyond the Palestinians themselves?
Zhu Weilie: At the moment, Palestine is on the right track toward strengthening its internal unity. In contrast, Israel is becoming increasingly extreme and radicalized. The two sides in the current Palestinian-Israeli conflict are unable to reach a cease-fire agreement, and the death toll continues to rise, with over 40,000 people killed and many more injured, as the tragedy continues. The Israeli government has now turned against not only Palestinians but all those who advocate for peace and justice.
We won't be able to do our job if both Palestine and Israel keep behaving like this (i.e., extreme). In stark contrast to Israel, however, the Palestinians have stated that they are willing to listen to China this time around. Conversely, Israel refuses to move toward peace with the Palestinians and instead wishes to listen to and follow American interests, as well as those of its upcoming presidential election.
The Paper: In March of last year, Saudi Arabia and Iran agreed to restore diplomatic relations through China's mediation, and now China is promoting reconciliation among Palestinian factions; do these two world-renowned reconciliation processes indicate that China's role in the Middle East has shifted? Will China make more positive contributions to global conflict resolution in the future?
Zhu Weilie: From a practical standpoint, I believe that China's Middle East diplomacy is very clear in terms of "taking the initiative," which means not waiting but leading. This is precisely the type of initiative that has been welcomed by many Middle Eastern countries. This pattern of seeking dominance and taking the lead is extremely beneficial to the Middle East's peace and stability and the development of regional countries.
China is practically playing a leading role in the Global South 中国在全球南方实际上处于引领的角色. In the future, its voice and approach could be heard at all major regional and even global events. General Secretary Xi Jinping's recent proposal to establish a research center on the "Global South" based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence is part of this significant, historic, and inexorable trend.
There is a growing historical trend of developing countries and emerging economies trying to make their voices heard and assert their influence. In my opinion, China will take on this kind of role and gain the backing of a great deal more people and nations, not just in the Middle East but also in other areas (and with the issues [besetting them]). Even if there are still people who don't understand this now, they will in the future.
Link: https://www.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_28165115
Discourse Power is written by Tuvia Gering, a researcher at the Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation Israel-China Policy Center at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and a non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub. Any views expressed in this newsletter, as well as any errors, are solely those of the author. Follow Tuvia on X @GeringTuvia